Alexander Burns wrote a fascist op-ed in Politico today and framed it as electoral advice for Democrats.
His argument is so weak it’s hard to understand how it made it out. He says Viktor Orbán’s defeat in Hungary proves that “disruptive” leaders who commandeer institutions and remake them through force of personality represent the winning “path to power.”
Marvel comics make some want to believe in a supermensch, yet really the stories should do the exact opposite.
His examples include Trump, Macron, Milei, Meloni, Carney, and now Peter Magyar. Burns treats this list as evidence of characters with ideological range. Never mind how the power hungry flip to whatever party cedes them control, it is evidence of something else entirely.
Every figure in Burns’s “eclectic club” shares exactly one trait. They personalized institutional power. They treated party structures as vehicles to be seized, deliberative processes as obstacles, and democratic legitimacy as something conferred by the act of disruption itself. Burns calls this a “path to power” as though the mechanism were ideologically neutral.
The mechanism is the ideology. It has an actual name in history. The Führerprinzip: the leader embodies the movement, the institution exists to serve the leader, the program is the leader’s will. Trump incidentally tried to promote himself as Jesus Christ today. while insulting the Pope.
Burns describes such personality-driven concentration of power with sheer admiration, cataloging each successful seizure as though collecting trading cards. Magyar is “stubborn, imperious and self-absorbed.” Carney defied predictions. Trump devoured a party from inside. Burns presents all of this as a winning formula rather than a recognizable pattern of democratic erosion.
Sewer Socialists Knew What’s Wrong
There is a strong American counter-tradition Burns should have consulted. Milwaukee’s sewer socialists governed America’s largest Socialist-led city for most of the first half of the twentieth century. Victor Berger, Daniel Hoan, and Frank Zeidler won elections repeatedly. They held power for decades.
They did it by building sewers. Their personalities aren’t the point.

The sewer socialists defeated the patronage machines of both major parties through visible, material competence. Clean water. Honest books. Public health infrastructure. The leader was interchangeable because the platform was the point. Milwaukee kept electing socialists because the city worked. Voters responded to demonstrated governance against a backdrop of corruption.
Burns’s frame makes this tradition invisible. Once you define successful politics as personality-driven disruption, governance competence becomes irrelevant. The program disappears. The leader becomes the program.
Two Mamdanis
Mahmood Mamdani’s Citizen and Subject offers the structural critique Burns needed and ignored. Mamdani argued that colonial and postcolonial institutional structures create the categories of political possibility. The bifurcated state does not get fixed by swapping personnel at the top. The question is what the institutions connect to, who they serve, and what they reproduce.
Burns treats institutions as empty vehicles waiting for the right driver. Mamdani would say the vehicle determines the destination. When you celebrate the seizure of institutional power as the defining act of politics, you foreclose the question of what institutions should actually do. You make governance reform structurally unthinkable. All that remains is the next seizure.
And then there is Mahmood Mamdani’s son.
Zohran Mamdani is the 112th mayor of New York City. A democratic socialist state assemblyman from Queens who beat Andrew Cuomo in the primary. He took office on January 1, 2026. On the same day Burns published his column about how Democrats need a charismatic disruptor, Mayor Mamdani marked his 100th day in office by filling potholes in the Bronx.
He called it “pothole politics,” and he used the exact phrase: “our 2026 answer to sewer socialism.”
Mamdani has spent his first hundred days riding the subway, fielding 311 calls, cleaning up illegal dumping sites, and securing $1.2 billion for universal childcare with Governor Hochul. His argument is the sewer socialist argument: basic services rebuild trust in government. Competence is the platform. The program is the point.
Burns could have looked across the East River. The largest city in America is being governed right now by a democratic socialist who explicitly rejects the model Burns is selling. A mayor whose father wrote the definitive structural critique of the personality-driven politics Burns celebrates. A mayor who won a massive upset against the ultimate insider candidate and then governed through potholes and childcare instead of spectacle.
Burns did not mention him! The guy who claims to admire personality, omitted one of the strongest personality victories in American history.
That omission tells you everything about what the Politico column was actually supposed to pump.
Fascist Complicity
Burns covered Trump’s takeover of the Republican Party. He wrote a book about it. He watched Meloni’s rise in real time. He knows what he is describing.
He describes it anyway. He puts Trump and Macron in the same analytical bucket and claims that as an insight. He lists Meloni alongside Carney and treats the juxtaposition as evidence of range rather than a warning. He advises Democrats to find their own version of a Mussolini-strongman pattern while the living counter-example fills potholes ten blocks from the Politico newsroom.
This is his complicity. Burns understands he is celebrating a cult of personality. He has the historical knowledge to see what it produces. He packages it as horse-race analysis because that is what he probably expects to deliver him rewards.
The Receipts
The Führerprinzip was not a metaphor. It was Article 1 of the NSDAP’s organizational principles: the leader’s authority flows downward, accountability flows upward, the party exists as an instrument of the leader’s will. Every “disruptive insurgent” Burns admires followed this operational template. Some produced better outcomes than others. The template meanwhile remained the same.
The sewer socialists produced fifty years of effective municipal governance, exposed machine corruption through performance rather than spectacle, and built lasting institutional capacity. Milwaukee’s socialist administrations are studied in public administration programs to this day. They are the bedrock of American infrastructure.
Mahmood Mamdani’s work has shaped a generation of scholarship on how institutional design reproduces or disrupts power relations. His argument is precisely that the personality of the leader is the least important variable. Structure reproduces itself, while dictators have yet to clone themselves.
His son is proving it in real time, in America’s largest city, on the same day that Burns filed a fascist column.
Burns had all of this available to him. He chose the wrong frame. He chose it because it makes the column he is primed to adore. His poor choice is his column’s actual subject.









